By F. William Engdahl
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Global Research, January 27, 2012
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Nigeria,
Africa’s most populous nation and its largest oil producer, is from all
evidence being systematically thrown into chaos and a state of civil
war. The recent surprise decision by the government of Goodluck Jonathan
to abruptly lift subsidies on imported gasoline and other fuel has a
far more sinister background than mere corruption and the
Washington-based International Monetary Fund (IMF) is playing a key
role. China appears to be the likely loser along with Nigeria’s
population.
The recent
strikes protesting the government’s abrupt elimination of gasoline and
other fuel subsidies, that brought Nigeria briefly to a standstill, came
as a surprise to most in the country. Months earlier President Jonathan
had promised the major trade union organizations that he would conduct a
gradual four-stage lifting of the subsidy to ease the economic burden.
Instead, without warning he announced an immediate full removal of
subsidies effective January 1, 2012. It was “shock therapy” to put it
mildly.
Nigeria today is
one of the world’s most important producers of light, sweet crude
oil—the same high quality crude oil that Libya and the British North Sea
produce. The country is showing every indication of spiraling downward
into deep disorder. Nigeria is the fifth largest supplier of oil to the
United States and twelfth largest oil producer in the world on a par
with Kuwait and just behind Venezuela with production exceeding two
million barrels a day. 1
The curious timing of IMF subsidy demand
Despite its oil
riches, Nigeria remains one of Africa’s poorest countries. The known
oilfields are concentrated around the vast Niger Delta roughly between
Port Harcourt and extending in the direction of the capital Lagos, with
large new finds being developed all along the oil-rich Gulf of Guinea.
Nigeria’s oil is exploited and largely exported by the Anglo-American
giants—Shell, Mobil, Chevron, Texaco. Italy’s Agip also has a presence
and most recently, to no one’s surprise, the Chinese state oil companies
began seeking major exploration and oil infrastructure agreements with
the Lagos government.
Ironically,
despite the fact that Nigeria has abundant oil to earn dollar export
revenue to build its domestic infrastructure, government policy has
deliberately let its domestic oil refining capacity fall into ruin. The
consequence has been that most of the gasoline and other refined
petroleum products used to drive transportation and industry, has to be
imported, despite the country’s abundant oil. In order to shield the
population from the high import costs of gasoline and other refined
fuels, the central government has subsidized prices.
Until January 1,
2012, that is. That was the day when, without advance warning President
Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan announced immediate removal of all fuel
subsidies. Prices for gasoline shot up almost threefold in hours from
65 naira (35 cents of a dollar) a liter to 150 naira (93 cents). The
impact rippled across the economy to everything including prices of
grains and vegetables.2
In justifying
the move, Central Bank Governor Lamido Sanusi insisted that “The monies
will be used in provision of social amenities and infrastructural
development that will benefit Nigerians more and save the country from
economic rift.”3 President Goodluck Jonathan says he is phasing out the
subsidy as a part of a move to “clean up the Nigerian government.” If so
how he plans to proceed is anything but apparent.
The huge
unexpected price hike for domestic fuel triggered nationwide protests
that threatened to bring the economy to a halt by mid-January. The
president deftly took the wind out of protester sails by announcing a
partial rollback in prices, still leaving prices effectively double that
of December. The trade union federation immediately called off the
protests. Then, revealingly, Goodluck Jonathan’s government ordered the
military to take to the streets to “keep order” and de facto prevent new
protests. All that took place during one of the bloodiest waves of
bombings and murder rampages by the terrorist Boko Haram sect creating a
climate of extreme chaos.4
The smoking gun of the IMF
What has been
buried from international accounts of the unrest is the explicit role
the US-dominated International Monetary Fund (IMF) played in the
situation. With suspicious timing IMF Managing Director Christine
Lagarde was in Nigeria days before the abrupt subsidy decision of
President Jonathan.5 By all accounts, the IMF and the Nigerian
government have been careful this time not to be blatant about openly
announcing demands to ends subsidies as they were in Tunisia before food
protests became the trigger for that country’s Twitter putsch in 2011.
During her visit
to Nigeria Lagarde said President Jonathan's 'Transformation Agenda'
for deregulation "is an agenda for Nigeria, driven by Nigerians. The IMF
is here to support you and be a better partner for you." 6 Few
Nigerians were convinced. On December 29 Reuters wrote, "The IMF
has urged countries across West and Central Africa to cut fuel
subsidies, which they say are not effective in directly aiding the poor,
but do promote corruption and smuggling. The past months have seen
governments in Nigeria, Guinea, Cameroon and Chad moving to cut state
subsidies on fuel." 7
Further
confirming the role US and IMF pressure on the Nigerian government
played, Jeffery Sachs, Special Adviser to the United Nations (UN)
Secretary General, during a meeting with President Jonathan in Nigeria
in early January days after the subsidy decision, Sachs declared
Jonathan's decision to withdraw petroleum subsidy “a bold and correct
policy.” 8
Sachs, a former
Harvard economics professor became notorious during the early 1990’s for
prescribing IMF “shock therapy” for Poland, Russia, Ukraine and other
former communist states which opened invaluable state assets for de
facto plundering by dollar-rich western multinationals. 9
Making the
sudden decision to end the domestic fuel subsidy even more suspicious is
the manner in which Washington and the IMF are putting pressure on only
select countries to end subsidies. Nigeria, whose oil today sells for
the equivalent of $1 a liter or roughly $3.78 a US gallon, is far from
cheap. Brunei, Oman, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Saudi Arabia all offer
their petrol very cheap to their people. The Saudis sell their oil at 17
cents, Kuwait at 22 cents.10 In the US gasoline averages 89 cents a
liter.11
That means the
IMF and Washington have forced one of the poorest economies in Africa to
impose a huge tax on its citizens on the implausible argument it will
help eliminate corruption in the state petroleum sector. The IMF knows
well that the elimination of subsidies will do nothing about corruption
in high places.
Were the IMF and
World Bank genuinely concerned with the health of the domestic Nigerian
economy, they would have provided support for rebuilding and expanding a
domestic oil refinery industry that has been let to rot so that the
country need no longer import refined fuels using precious state budget
resources to do so. The easiest way to do that would be to expedite a
two-year-old deal between China and the Nigerian government to invest
some $28 billion in massive expansion of the oil refinery sector to
eliminate need for importing foreign gasoline and other refined
products.
Quite the
opposite—the criminal cabal inside NNPC and the Government making huge
profits on the old subsidy system are suddenly making double and
potentially triple more to maintain the old corrupt import system, and,
of course, to sabotage Chinese refinery construction that could put an
end to their gravy train.
Cutting their nose to spite the face…
Rather than
benefit ordinary Nigerians as the IMF proclaims to want, the elimination
of the subsidies has further pauperized the 90 per cent living on less
than $2 a day, according to Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, the Nigerian
Central Bank governor.12 An estimated 40 million Nigerians are
unemployed in the country of 148 million.
Because
transport costs are a significant factor in delivery of food to the
cities, food price inflation has soared along with costs of public
transportation for the majority of poorer Nigerians. According to the
Nigerian Leadership Sunday, “prices of commodities which shot up
as a fallout of the fuel pump price increase have refused to come down.”
Everything from street vegetable sellers to carwashes to roadside
photographers are feeling the shock of the rise in fuel prices.
Unemployment is rising as small businesses fold. 13
The argument of
the IMF and the Jonathan Administration is that by freeing fuel
prices, funds would be available to more social services and rebuild
Nigeria’s “infrastructure.” Both the IMF and the Government know it
would have been far more economically viable to replace the current
corrupt system of importing refined gasoline and fuels with investing in
rebuilding Nigeria’s domestic refining capacity.
Son Gyoh of the
Nigerian Awareness for Development organization stated, “Would it not be
more expedient to pressure government to service the refineries to full
production capacity given the implications on overhead and
competitiveness for local industries?” 14
Gyoh pointed to
the source of the problem: “Why have successive governments left the
refineries in a state of disrepair while spending huge on subsidy? Is
there any chance that the savings from subsidy withdrawal will go
directly into rehabilitating the refineries? Does deregulation imply
NNPC will no longer operate a monopoly in importation of refined
petroleum product or is this lobby a self-serving lifeline to continue
its monopoly? ” He concludes, “In any case, there is good reason to
doubt subsidy removal will solve the fuel scarcity problem as the cabal
will only regroup to change tactics, a fact Nigerians are only too aware
of.” 15
After Nigeria
partly nationalized its oil sector in the late 1970’s they also took
control of Shell Oil’s Port Harcourt I refinery. In 1989 Port Harcourt
II refinery was built. Both refineries fell into serious disrepair after
1994 when the Abacha military dictatorship cut the “take” of the
Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) from domestic sale of refined
oil products such as gasoline from 84% to 22%. That caused a cash
crisis for NNPC and a halt to refinery maintenance. Today only one of
four refineries operates at all.16
What developed
since was a system of NNPC importing foreign gasoline and other refined
products for Nigeria’s domestic needs, naturally at a far more expensive
cost. The price subsidies were to relieve that higher import cost,
hardly a sensible solution but a very lucrative one for those corrupt
elements in the state and private sector making a killing, literally,
off the import process.
NNPC criminal enterprise
The IMF is well
aware of the real cause of Nigeria’s fuel industry problems. A Nigerian
legislative committee examining the sources of the industry’s problems
recently released a report documenting that at least $4 billion annually
is taken from taxpayers in fuel industry corruption with the state
Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) at the center. According to
the commission, “every day, fuel importers drop off 59 million liters of
fuel. The country consumes 35 million liters daily. That leaves 24
million liters of oil available for smugglers to export, paid for by
government fuel subsidies. This costs the Nigerian people roughly $4
billion yearly, according to Reuters.” 17
The Nigerian
government has said that the 7.5 billion dollars spent yearly on fuel
subsidies could be used to provide desperately needed infrastructure.
But they omit any mention of the rampant siphoning off of $4 billion of
oil by black market smugglers, reportedly with connivance of high NNPC
government officials, to sell to neighboring countries at a hefty
profit. The refined imported fuel is reportedly smuggled into
neighboring countries like Cameroon, Chad and Niger where petrol prices
are far higher, according to Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Deputy Governor of
Kano State.18
China as IMF target?
One major
geopolitical factor that is generally ignored in recent discussion of
Nigerian oil politics is the growing role of China in the country. In
May 2010 only days after President Jonathan was sworn in, China signed
an impressive $28.5 billion deal with his government to build three new
refineries, something that in no way fit into the plans of either the
IMF or of Washington or of the Anglo-American oil majors.19
China State
Construction Engineering Corporation Limited (CSCEC) signed the deal to
build three oil refineries with Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation
(NNPC), in the biggest deal China has made with Africa. Shehu Ladan,
head of NNPC, said at the signing ceremony that the added refineries
would reduce the $10 billion spent annually on imported refined
products. As of January 2012 the three Chinese refnery projects were
still in the planning stage, reportedly blocked by the powerful vested
interests gaining from the existing corrupt import system.20
A report in China Daily
last November quoted Nigeria’s Olusegun Olutoyin Aganga, the minister
of trade and investment that Nigeria was seeking added Chinese investors
for its energy, mining and agribusiness industries. Last September on a
visit to Beijing, Nigeria central bank governor Lamido Sanusi
announced his country planned to invest 5 percent to 10 percent of its
foreign exchange reserves in China's currency, the renminbi (RMB) or
yuan, noting that he sees the yuan becoming reserve currency. In 2010
China's loans and exports to Nigeria exceeded $7 billion, while Nigeria
exported $1 billion of crude oil, Sanusi stated.21
Until now Nigeria has held some 79% of her foreign currency reserves in dollars, the rest in Euro or Sterling, all of which look dicey given their financial and debt problems. The move of a major oil producer away from dollars, added to similar moves recently by India, Japan, Russia, Iran and others, augurs bad news for the continued role of the dollar as dominant world reserve currency. 22 Clearly some in Washington would not be happy with that.
The Chinese are
also bidding to get a direct stake in Nigeria’s rich oil reserves, until
now an Anglo-American domain. In July 2010, China's CNPC (China
National Petroleum Corporation) won four prospective oil blocks -two in
the Niger Delta and two in the frontier Chad Basin, with plans to become
core investor in the Kaduna refinery, and construction of a double
track Lagos-Kano railway.23 As well China’s oil company, CNOOC Ltd has a
major offshore production area in Nigeria.
The IMF and
Washington pressure to lift subsidies on imported fuels is at this point
in question as is the future of China in Nigeria’s energy industry.
Clear is that lifting subsidies in no way will benefit Nigerians. More
alarming in this context is the orchestration of a major new wave of
terror killings and bombings by the mysterious and suspiciously
well-armed Boko Haram. This we will look at next in the context of
Nigeria’s recent transformation into a major narcotics hub.
F. William Engdahl, author of A Century of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order
Notes:
1John Campbell, Nigeria’s Turmoil and the Outside World, January 12, 2012, accessed in http://blogs.cfr.org/campbell/2012/01/12/nigeria%E2%80%99s-turmoil-and-the-outside-world/#more-3994.
2 Chika Otuchikere and Chibunma Ukwu, Nigeria: Aftermath of Subsidy Crisis Food Prices Hitting Roof Tops, 22 January, 2012, accessed in http://allafrica.com/stories/201201231627.html.
3 Mustapha Muhammad, Nigeria: Billions Siphoned by Corruption Could Have Been Used to Maintain Fuel Subsidy, Inter Press Service, January 11, 2012, accessed in http://www.globalissues.org/news/2012/01/11/12407.
4 Mike Oboh, Boko Haram Islamist Insurgents Kill at Least 178 in Nigeria's Kano, January 22, 2012, International Business Times, accessed in http://www.ibtimes.com/articles/285620/20120122/boko-haram-islamist-insurgents-kill-178-nigeria.htm.
5 Christine Lagarde, Statement by IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde at the Conclusion of her Visit to Nigeria, IMF, Washington, Press Release No. 11/478, December 20, 2011, accessed in http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2011/pr11478.htm.
6 Ibid.
7 Quoted in Idris Ahmed and Kate da Costa, Nigeria: IMF Pushing the Country to End Subsidy - - Report, 30 December 2011, accessed in http://allafrica.com/stories/201112300791.html.
8 Olutayo Olubi, Fuel subsidy: International conspiracy against Nigerians, National Daily, 15 January 2012, accessed in http://nationaldailyngr.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2825:fuel-subsidy-international-conspiracy-against-nigerians&catid=306:business-news&Itemid=561.
9 Ibid.
10 Ibid.
11 Ibid.
12 Ibid.
13 Chika Otuchikere and Chibunma Ukwu, Nigeria Aftermath of Subsidy Crisis: Food Prices Hitting Roof Tops, 22 January 2012, accessed in http://allafrica.com/stories/201201231627.html.
14 Son Gyoh, Nigeria: The case against removal of fuel subsidy and the argument for deregulated petroleum sub sector, accessed in http://awarenessfordevelopment.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=66:nigeria-fuel-subsidy.
15 Ibid.
16 MBendi, Oil Refining in Nigeria--An Overview, accessed in http://www.mbendi.com/indy/oilg/ogrf/af/ng/p0005.htm.
17 Heather Murdock, Nigeria finds 4 billion dollars in fuel corruption, January 20, 2012, accessed in http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/africa/nigeria/120119/nigeria-oil-fuel-corruption.
18 Mustapha Muhammad, Nigeria: Billions Siphoned by Corruption Could Have Been Used to Maintain Fuel Subsidy, Inter Press Service, January 11, 2012, accessed in http://www.globalissues.org/news/2012/01/11/12407.
19 Kerri Shannon, China Continues Its Run on African Commodities With $23 Billion Nigeria Oil Deal, Money Morning, May 15, 2010, accessed in http://moneymorning.com/2010/05/15/nigeria-oil-deal/.
20 Gavin du Venage, Everyone is a loser in Nigeria's fuel subsidy cut and partial restoration, The National, January 24, 2012, accessed in http://www.thenational.ae/thenationalconversation/industry-insights/energy/everyone-is-a-loser-in-nigerias-fuel-subsidy-cut-and-partial-restoration.
21 China Daily, Nigeria seeking Chinese capital, November 12, 2011, accessed in http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/cndy/2011-11/12/content_14082411.htm.
22 Xinhua, Nigeria bank chief sees yuan becoming reserve currency, September 6, 2011, accessed in http://europe.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2011-09/06/content_13641562.htm.
23 Kayode Ekundayo, Nigeria: China, 2010 Budget and Oil Blocks, Daily Trust (Abuja), 12 July 2010, accessed in http://allafrica.com/stories/201007121319.html
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